The Unmanaged Heart Essays - Emotion, Life Skills, Social Psychology

The Unmanaged Heart George Rusinak Graves Essay 9\16\99 The Managed Heart: Emotional Management vs. Emotional Labor Can a person's heart be controlled? Do all people go have some form of emotional management or emotional labor in their lives? In the book, The Managed Heart, written by Arlie Hochschild , discusses the issues of emotional labor and emotional management. In the book, it describes the difference between the two issues and gives Hochschild's opinion on those issues. The first issue is emotional management. This is where the fight attendants learn how to deal with certain situations that they might encounter. Basically, they are taught to manage their emotions and look at their situation from the other side. By doing this, the flight attendants can create a happy and more comfortable setting for the passengers. On page 113 in the book, it states that the fight attendants should imagine a reason to excuse an obnoxious or unruly passenger. This is what Delta teaches: emotional management. The other issue is emotional labor. The use of emotional management is emotional labor. They flight attendants use surface acting in everyday work life. They are there to make the passenger feel comfortable and happy. This is a cover sheet for the flight attendants emotions. They are in a way bottling up their feelings to produce another feeling. The problem with emotional labor and surface acting are they become a part of that person. Hochschild thinks that this is a bad thing because one will never break away from the emotional labor and in turn have trouble expressing their inner feelings, (deep acting) in their private lives. In summary, emotional management is emotional labor. Emotional management is the learning how to deal with situations. Emotional labor is the actual use of the emotional management. Learning emotional management is helpful, but can affect that person's lifestyle. When they use emotional labor, they are hiding their inner feelings to create are better atmosphere for others. People using this might never be able to distinguish the difference between their surface acting and deep acting. Hochschild's sees this as a problem for the people affected by this emotion manipulator. This will affect their friend's, family, and the rest of society. Bibliography Hockschild,The Unmanaged Heart, conseni 1978.

Stakeholder Analysis in Event Management

Stakeholder Analysis in Event Management Stakeholder Definition Stakeholders are individuals, groups of individuals or organizations that hold a special interest in an event including its operations and success. Stakeholders are a critical pillar in the success of any event. To a certain extent, stakeholders shape the manner in which event managers conduct an event.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Stakeholder Analysis in Event Management specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Stakeholder analysis is a process in which the event managers conduct a calculated effort towards understanding stakeholders and the ways in which to inculcate their demands to ensure the success of an event. Stakeholder analysis in event management is a tricky affair as this is a one-off occasion. Hence, there is no any other chance to make stakeholders happy. For example, major events such as the World Cup or the marriage of high ranking individuals (e.g. the Prince of England) call for me ticulous planning to ensure they are successful and meet the expectations of all interested individuals (Allen et al. 2011). Relationship between Event Management and Stakeholders As noted earlier, stakeholders are a crucial part of the success of an event. Certain benefits accrue from the inclusion of certain stakeholders in an event. It is also crucial to note that not all stakeholders contribute positively towards an event. It follows that stakeholders need to be evaluated to remove distracters that hide in the name of stakeholders and interested parties. It is also the cardinal responsibility of an event manager to know the various stakeholders and determine their relevance regarding the success of an event (Stanford, 2012). The following benefits may be realized through inclusion of relevant stakeholders in event management. The opinions of some stakeholders are crucial to the success of an event. For example, when planning a wedding for a high profile individual, it would be c rucial to listen to renowned designers, hoteliers, security experts, and Public Relations experts. These individuals may be interested in the event for monetary or business gains, but may provide the much-needed input to ensure that the event is a success.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More However, not all of the aforementioned stakeholder’s opinion may come in a manner aimed at aiding in the success of an event. Others are purely motivated by critical innuendos and it is the responsibility of the event manager to indentify right and wrong criticism (Stanford, 2012). Some stakeholders reign in great resources. Sometimes, such resources are what the event manager s requires to ensure that an event is a success. For example, if England wanted to hold the world cup, it would be crucial to engage with the renowned football clubs, which have excellent stadia to be used during the event. The event managers would also engage with the government to provide the needed security machinery to make the event a success. Hence, it is vital to indentify the stakeholders resourceful standing may be crucial in the success of an event (Allen et al. 2011). Communicating with stakeholders is part of engagement between event manager s and stakeholders. Communication of the progress and parameters of success of an event is crucial to mitigate expectations and to receive supplementary feedback. However, not all events require constant communication while others need constant and sustained communication if they are to be successful. For example, invited guests to a high profile wedding would require having the venue and schedules. Additionally, events such as world cups require prior timetables for matches prepared. This way, the stakeholders know what to expect and can therefore plan. It also forms the basis for the success of the event (Allen et al. 2011). Ris ks of Not Conducting a Stakeholder Analysis The relationship between stakeholders and the success of an event as outlined above highlights the importance of a stakeholder analysis. It also points to the risks of not conducting such an analysis. One of the major risks of the failure to conduct a proper stakeholder analysis is the possibility of not understanding the host community well. It would be disastrous to serve beef in an Indian wedding. This would also point out the event manager’s failure to understand that in Indian culture cows are worshipped as gods.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Stakeholder Analysis in Event Management specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More There are certain steps that are followed in the stakeholder analysis. These steps are crucial in the identification of the stakeholders, prioritizing them according to the level of importance, and understanding them. When an event manager skips th is all-important process, the three indentified items are skipped or conducted in a haphazard manner. This may result in disastrous results (Miller, 1998). Additionally, this procedural negligence may reflect badly on the event organizers. It is crucial to note, however, that there is not any universally accepted way of approaching events management. Failure to conduct a stakeholder’s analysis may also results in an event full of hitches. Such an event will attract a lot of criticism once it is completed. For example, although this may not be the case, the Boston Marathon shooting is a negative reflection on the organizers. It will remain etched on the minds of all the other stakeholders whether they participated or learnt about it in the news. All other marathon organizers will mention this in boardrooms every time they are looking at the aspect of security. The aforementioned factors points out the risky nature of a one off event. The fact that some events take a lot of tim e before they are repeated may have some lasting reflections on an event that flops. Hence, it is the responsibility of the organizers to ensure that a proper stakeholder’s analysis is conducted before an event to ensure it is successful (Allen et al. 2011). Real-Life Event of the Concept of Stakeholder Analysis The wedding of Prince William and Kate Middleton is an example of a real life event that required a careful process of analyzing the stakeholders. For starters, the wedding was a high profile affair involving one of the oldest British families. The wedding was also touching on the very core of the British tradition. The prince of England who would take the throne if the queen were to die was marrying.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The stakeholders were numerous. The stakes were high and interests were through the sky. Managing such an event required careful planning. The stakeholders had to be meticulously filtered to retain the quite crucial ones (Capra, 2002). One such stakeholder was the governments. The United Kingdom government had to come up with a high stakes list of the high profile individuals to make the list of guests. The questions that lingered prominently in the event manager’s mind was whom do I include and who do skip from this list? Although the event was a two people affair, the ripples would be felt even in the diplomatic circles. Additionally, this may go a long way in entrenching British relationships with global partners. The other stakeholders were fashion enthusiasts. This group had their tongues wagging months before the main event. From which designer will Kate Middleton order her wedding dress? How will it look like? Is she going to disappoint? Numerous newspaper and magazine articles were dedicated towards this discussion. Engaging experts in the field would result in one of the most memorable fashion statements in the 21st century. A careless involvement may also ruin one of the major events in British history. Therefore, a middle ground had to be found (Allen et al. 2011). In light of the many guests, the high profile event, the global attention, and the fact that the event would end in a matter of hours, it was crucial to come up with a schedule reflective of protocols and comfort meticulously. To do this, the government had to be involved. Additionally, most of the guests in the list had to be informed of the events of the day to ensure they are not entangled in the intricate schedule (Allen et al. 2011). The above highlights reflect the intricacies of stakeholder analysis. Among other things, the one thing that stands out is the need to filter a large pool of interested stakeholders to a level reminiscent of the parameters of the event. The need f or communication also stands out quite starkly. Although an event may be small or big, this crucial aspect requires careful consideration. Failure to communicate may result in many hitches. It may also mean a harsh postmortem of the event once it is completed (Capra, 2002). References Allen, J. et al. (2011). Festival and Special Event Management. Brisbane, QLD: John Wiley Sons. Capra, F. (2002). Complexity and Life. Emergence, 4(2): 15-33. Miller, A. (1998). Strategic Management. McGraw Hill: New York. Stanford. (2012). Stakeholder Analysis. Retrieved from https://www.stanford.edu/

Using Caer, the Spanish Verb for Falling

Using Caer, the Spanish Verb for Falling The Spanish verb caer usually carries the idea of to fall and can be used in a variety of situations. While many of its uses can be translated using the English verb fall, a few cannot. Using Caer for To Fall and To Fall Over Here are some examples of everyday usage where caer is straightforwardly used for to fall or to fall over: El avià ³n cayà ³ en el ocà ©ano. (The plane fell into the ocean.)Si del cielo te caen limones, aprende a hacer limonada. (If lemons fall to you from the sky, learn to make lemonade.)Los barcos cayeron por las cataratas del Nigara. (The boats dropped over Niagara Falls.)El joven sufrià ³ un grave accidente al caer desde el tejado de la fbrica. (The youth had a serious accident when he fell from the factorys roof.)El coche cayà ³ por el barranco por causas que se desconocen. (The car fell over the cliff for unknown reasons.)El tanque se cayà ³ de un puente. (The tank fell off a bridge.) The same meaning can be applied figuratively: Exportaciones colombianas cayeron en 18,7 por ciento. (Colombian exports fell 18.7 percent.)El turismo en Bolivia cayà ³ por la gripe. (Bolivian tourism declined because of the flu.) Caer can also be used when speaking of weather: Las lluvias fuertes y prolongadas cayeron sobre Cuenca. (The strong and long-lasting rains fell on   Cuenca.)La extraordinaria belleza de la nieve que caà ­a le provocaba ms alegrà ­a. (The extraordinary beauty of the snow that fell made him more joyful.)Rompiendo un record, la temperatura cayà ³ 43 grados en tan solo una semana. (Breaking a record, the temperature fell 43 degrees in only a week.)   Using Caer for To Succumb Caer is frequently used to indicate the idea of succumbing or being overtaken by a force of some sort, or to fall into an error. The translation can vary with the context. La cantante confesà ³ que cayà ³ en la anorexia y la bulimia. (The singer admitted that she sank into anorexia and bulimia.)Caà ­ en la tentacià ³n de ser infiel. (I succumbed to the temptation of being unfaithful.)El hombre cayà ³ en la trampa del FBI. (The man fell into the FBIs trap.)No caigas en el error de prometer lo que no puedes conseguir. (Dont make the mistake of making promises you cannot keep.)Parà ­s cayà ³ bajo los tanques nazis. (Paris fell to the Nazi tanks.)Tras padecer un cncer, caà ­ en depresià ³n. (After suffering from cancer, I fell into depression.) Using Caer With Dates Caer can be used to mean that something falls on a particular date. It is used mostly commonly with days of the week. Este aà ±o mi cumpleaà ±os cae en jueves. (This year my birthday falls on a Thursday.)Si el dà ­a 30 de abril cae en domingo la fiesta se traslada al dà ­a 29. (If April 30th falls on a Sunday, the festival is moved to the 29th.) Using Caer To Indicate Compatibility Caer can be used with an indirect-object pronoun to suggest the idea of to get along with or to be OK with. The translation varies with context; often, a translation of to like or dislike will do. Me caen bien tus amigos. (I like your friends. Or, I get along with your friends.)Esto no va a caer muy bien a los otros equipos. (The other teams arent going to be pleased with this.)No me cayà ³ bien la decisià ³n. (I didnt like the decision. Or, the decision wasnt fine with me.)Ese desodorante le cae mal a mi piel. (That deodorant bothers my skin.) ¿Que profesores te caà ­an mejor? (Which teachers did you like best?)Me cayà ³ mal la comida. (The meal disagreed with me.) Conjugation of Caer Caer is conjugated irregularly. Irregular forms are shown in boldface below. Translations given are those most commonly used. Gerund:: cayendo (falling) Past participle: caà ­do (fallen) Present indicative:  caigo, tà º caes, el/ella/usted cae, nosotros/nosotras caemos, vosotros/vosotras caà ©is, ellos/ellas/ustedes caen (I fall, you fall, he/she falls, etc.) Preterite: yo caà ­, tà º caà ­ste, el/ella/usted cayà ³, nosotros/nosotras caà ­mos, vosotros/vosotras caà ­steis, ellos/ellas/ustedes cayeron (I fell, you fell, etc.) Present subjunctive: que caiga, que tà º caigas, que el/ella/usted caiga, que nosotros/nosotras caigamos, que vosotros/vosotras cagis, que ellos/ellas/ustedes caigan (that I fall, that you fall, etc.) Imperfect subjunctive: que yo cayera/cayese, que tà º cayeras/cayeses, que el/ella/usted cayera/cayese, que nosotros/nosotras cayà ©ramos/cayà ©semos, que vosotros/vosotras cayerais/cayeseis, que ellos/ellas/ustedes cayeran/cayesen (that I fell, that you fell, etc.) Affirmative imperative: cae tà º, caiga usted, caigamos nosotros, caed vosotros/vosotras, caigan ustedes (you fall, you fall, let us fall, etc.) Negative imperative: no caigas tà º, no caiga usted, no caigamos nosotros/nosotras, no cagis vosotros/vosotras, no caigan ustedes (dont you fall, dont you fall, let us fall, etc.)

A Study of Lean Management 2034 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

A Study of Lean Management 2034 - Essay Example Secondly, value stream is identified as the main source of information for the whole process. Thirdly, lean management assists in assuring that the customers receive the right products. Customers pull is important and hence it is the fourth principle for lean management. Fifthly, through lean management there is continuous improvement in productivity and quality of products (Schonberger, 2007). The report explains the operational process in Toyota and how it has helped the company to prosper in the present market. The different approaches that are undertaken by the company to reduce waste, increase productivity and efficiency are also highlighted in the report. In light of this, the report also gives emphasis on the usefulness of lean management in order to satisfy the customers. The success of Toyota is dependent on its reduction system, which focuses on just-in-time management and continuous improvement. The company has developed decentralised structure; the structure encourages team work and employee participation. It has incorporated techniques such as inventory and supply chain management for producing the high quality automobile. Through these techniques it has increased the competitive edge in a competitive automobile market at international level. The success of the company revolves around achievement of high productivity and employment of unique approaches that can solve problem. Toyota Motor Company manufactures vehicles which are sold in 170 countries. However, the company operates worldwide by partnering with 50 overseas manufacturing companies. It manufactures sells and even exports hybrid, passenger, four-wheel drive, sports and commercial vehicles. Customer satisfaction is regarded as the top priority for the company in a competitive automobile market. It aims at building products, which reflect value and satisfy their needs. The customers are general public who have the desire to own a

Urban Geography of Tokyo City Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Urban Geography of Tokyo City - Essay Example    Development of Tokyo can be linked to its demographic and economic structure. The demographic structure is the study of a given population relating to employment, age, income, relation, and population among others. However, economic structure defines the balance of output, employment, and income among other factors relating to the economic sectors. Economic sectors include primary, tertiary, secondary, and quaternary sectors. Since Tokyo's is a metropolitan, its urban geography can be analyzed by comparing its population to that of Japan, focusing on its aged population, and considering its industrial sector.  In 2012, Tokyo’s population was approximately about 13.216 million. The population is a tenth of Japans’ total population. It is, therefore, the most populous prefecture out of the forty-seven ones that make up Japan. Tokyo has an area of approximately 2,189 kilometres squared which is equal to 0.6 % of the area of Japan. The figure makes the population den sity of Tokyo to be about 6,038 people per kilometres squared making it the most densely populated Japan’s prefecture. The statistics make Tokyo extremely populated compared to Japan. The population of the aged persons in Tokyo exceeds the standard set by United Nations. According to the United Nation's standard, the aged society in a given country should not exceed the 14 % mark.The Tokyo's "aged population" is approximately 20.14 % of the total population of the city. The percentage exceeds the recommended mark by 6.14% that is a huge margin.  

Fluent Melting and Solidification Essay Example for Free

Fluent Melting and Solidification Essay 8.1 Overview of Phase Change Modeling in FLUENT FLUENT can be used to solve uid ow problems involving phase change taking place at one temperature e.g., in pure metals or over a range of temperature e.g., in binary alloys. Instead of explicitly tracking the liquid-solid front as the phase change occurs, which requires a moving mesh methodology, an enthalpy-porosity formulation is used where the ow and enthalpy equations are solved with extra source terms on the xed grid. Marangoni shear, due to the variation of surface tension with temperature, is important in many industrial uid ow situations involving phase change. The phase change model in FLUENT provides the ability to specify the Marangoni gradient at a sloping surface, as well as an arbitrary shear at a boundary coinciding with one of the curvilinear grid lines. The model also allows you to specify the convective heat transfer, radiation, and heat ux at a wall as piecewise linear pro les, polynomials, or harmonic functions. FLUENT provides the following phase change modeling options: Calculation of liquid-solid phase change in pure metals as well as in binary alloys. Modeling of continuous casting processes i.e., pulling of solid material out of the domain. Chapter 8 | Phase Change Simulations Ability to specify an arbitrary shear at a curved boundary as a piecewise linear pro le or polynomial in terms of one of the Cartesian coordinates. Modeling of Marangoni convection due to the variation of surface tension with temperature. Modeling of the thermal contact resistance between frozen material and the wall e.g., due to an air gap. Ability to patch a momentum source in each Cartesian direction and or a heat source to simulate magnetic force elds or heat generation in the domain, for example. Display and patching of latent heat content, pull velocities in continuous casting and other relevant variables. These modeling capabilities allow FLUENT to simulate a wide range of phase change problems including melting, solidi cation, crystal growth and continuous casting. The physical equations used for these phase change calculations are described in the following sections. Limitations of the As mentioned above, the phase change formulation in FLUENT Phase Change can be used to model the melting freezing of pure materials, as Model well as alloys. The liquid fraction versus temperature relationship used in FLUENT is the lever rule|i.e., a linear relationship Equation 8.2-3. Other relationships are possible 124 , but not available in FLUENT. The following FLUENT features cannot be used in conjunction with the phase change model: Radiation Combustion Speci ed periodic mass ow Cylindrical velocities Overview of Phase In order for you to enable the phase change model, the energy equaChange Modeling tion must be active. You are then required to supply additional Procedures physical constants pertaining to the phase change problem liquidus and solidus temperature, latent heat of freezing, etc.. You may invoke one of the enhanced boundary conditions that are available c Fluent Inc. May 10, 1997

Essay --

1. Principios Bà ¡sicos 2. Espectro Polà ­tico al que Pertenece Considerando el espectro polà ­tico Derecha-Izquierda, Movimiento Ciudadano es un partido polà ­tico que, de acuerdo a su ordenamiento, pertenece a la izquierda ya que sus valores y creencias està ¡n enfocados en proteger a los dà ©biles, promoviendo la igualdad y la equidad, la libertad asà ­ como la autonomà ­a, el pluralismo y la defensa de los derechos fundamentales del ser humano. Con relacià ³n a la participacià ³n del gobierno en la economà ­a, Movimiento Ciudadano acepta el sistema de libre mercado como la mejor manera de organizar la produccià ³n de bienes y servicios requeridos para la satisfaccià ³n de necesidades materiales, pero al mismo tiempo tiene como objetivo fundamental la intervencià ³n del Estado para asegurar que los beneficios y dividendos sean producidos y distribuidos de una manera que se asegure una vida cabal y plena para toda la sociedad. En lo que concierne a su participacià ³n, Movimiento Ciudadano es partidario del cambio y cree que la sociedad es dà ³cil. Responde a un mundo globalizado y progresista, ya que busca la ...

College football vs Nfl Essay

Many compare the National Football League (NFL) with college football but the two are not extremely similar and should never be compared. Yes, besides a few minor rule changes the NFL and college football are the same game; but there is much more to football then the rules. College football is better than the NFL for a wide variety of reasons. First, there exists more passion in college football all around the sport. Passion cannot be measured in anyway but can be observed and understood by the fans, coaches, and sports community. Players care more about the game and less about money, while the fans have great passion for the university they attend or attended. The lack of an influence money has on the game is admirable. Also, tradition is so vast in college football a game day experience cannot be compared with those of the NFL. The special rivalry games and in stadium events makes college football great. Rivalries, passion, playing rules, and timing are few of the reasons why college football is better than the NFL. Along with great activities like tailgating, the wonderful scheduling, the entertainment, and the comeback friendly rules college football has the best case for why it is levels above the NFL. Passion is sought after in all sports, and is the most apparent in college athletics. Money determines everything in pro football and the large impact it has is just too obvious. The same cannot be said for college football. The great passion and emotion seen in players and coaches, and their loyalty to their team helps make college football a lovable game. The football team at a university represents the town, the state, and what the community stands for. College football players are said to be passionate, play hard, hard workers, and fearless. NFL players are most known for complaining and not wanting to be hit hard. There is passion in every play and intensity like no other in college football. It is just a drag watching the NFL because most of the time there is no passion, it’s just guys playing for that next paycheck (Fisher). The fact that the student athletes play for opportunity and the love of the game is invigorating to all sport fans. College football has been said to be more pure of a game. This means they play for the chance to make the league, and are about the game. Another reason passion is more reflected in college football is the lack of salary related hold outs. This refers to the many major star athletes who have large contract disputes and skip on camp and all team activities until they are paid more money. Players risk team success for selfish personal reasons. Prime examples of a player negatively affecting a team with a hold out are Albert Haynesworth, Terrell Owens, Michael Crabtree, Maurice Jones-Drew, Chris Johnson, and many more. These players put personal motives over team goals; it is inferred that the star athletes prefer money over team success. There has never been one single hold out in college football. Historically players in contract years have shown just a little more effort to ensure they make a few extra dollars when their pay days come around (Eliesen). Stats go up and so does the amount of work put in. This shows that players give more effort when money is on the line. The impact money has on the NFL makes college football that much better. Another issue with the money influence of the NFL is players will switch teams for more money, wins, or a bigger market. Not just some players, all players. In college you can transfer for academic or personal reasons but there are consequences. In 2010-11, 6. 4 percent of Division I student-athletes transferred from one four-year school to another four-year school. Included in that figure are 969 football student-athletes. All of those student-athletes were required to sit out a year of competition (NCAA). In the NFL it is expected that a player would turn their back on their team and city for more money or a better personal opportunity. In college it is discouraged, frowned upon, and penalized against. The players passion for the game, loyalty to their teams, and absents of holdouts and other money related issues are the start of a long list of reasons why college football is better than the NFL. The passion shows the college players are about the game, not the money. The tradition of college football is unlike that of any sport. The significance of it is immeasurable. To start college football has outstanding rivalry games. They are better than the NFL rivalry games simply because they have existed longer, are closer games, in a larger variety, and the fans and schools hate each other more. Classic examples include Army versus Navy, the iron bowl, Ohio State versus Michigan, USC versus Notre Dame, Miami versus FSU, The red river rivalry, the civil war, the dual in the dessert, the world’s largest cocktail party, LSU versus Alabama, and several others. Compare that with Dallas against Washington; the best rivalry in the NFL. Not a comparison. Every team in college football has a rival. Iowa State has Kansas State. Indiana has Illinois. Baylor has Texas Tech. Cincinnati has Louisville. It’s not what you think of when you think Auburn/Alabama, Ohio State/Michigan and Texas/Oklahoma, but even the lesser-known powers have rivals that riles up the fan bases. The NFL? I challenge you to name the Carolina Panthers’ top rival (Wilson). The atmosphere surrounding the towns and the great rivalry games out perform the NFL’s weak rivalry match ups. Next, fans have more to route for in college. The fact that the students and alumni get to support the place they graduated from cannot be matched. For NFL fans most of them root for the city’s team you were born in. For college football fans the team you cheer for could be across the nation because you had a family member go there or your family has always cheered for them. For college football fans it doesn’t matter what city you live in (Fisher). Good examples of great tradition are Oregon’s uniforms, dotting the I in Ohio, Chief Osceola, war eagle, Howards rock, the dog UGA, and the play like a champion today sign in South Bend. Literally, 100 more traditions could be named. Traditions such as those just don’t exist in the NFL. There isn’t the same level of tradition in the pro game (Killoren). Stadiums, fight songs, bands, and the college campus on game day, pep rallies, are all things that are just not seen in professional football. The tradition in college football is evident and changes the game completely. Most importantly the strong and vast group of rivalry games in college makes the NFL division games appear as friendly competition. A main reason why college football is better than the NFL is because in college the timing in all around better. By the timing, I mean the rules that influence the time and the scheduling. College football starts a week earlier which means over 120 division one college games have been played before the NFL starts. College football has more games in general and starts off football season right. Next, is Saturdays are better for watching and playing football than Sundays. Nobody wants to go to work the day after a crazy game. People need Sunday to relax after a crazy tailgating and game experience. To me, there’s nothing better than going to bed on Friday night knowing that you have nothing to do on Saturday except watch college football. Even if you find a few hours to watch your favorite NFL team, you still have it hanging over your head that it’s back to work in the morning. That feeling always tends to take the wind out of my sails (FanNation). Who wants to be out late on a Sunday night at a prime time game? How about Saturday? There is a big difference between the two. During bowl season we get to see 35 prestigious match ups of team with winning records in solid football games over a 23 day period. Right over the holidays when everyone has school and work off there is football on every day. This is set up nicely for viewers. Seniors get a last chance to represent themselves and their school in the bowl game that they have worked so hard to earn. Lastly, college has comeback friendly rules that the NFL do not have. Stopping of the clock on a first down, one foot in bounds for a catch, chains must be set before clock starts, and clock stopping all game when you get out of bounds keep college games entertaining and help you see more action. According to a Wall Street Journal study of four games from week 16, the average NFL game features just 10 minutes 43 seconds of action (Chase). The comebacks that have determined champions and the outcome of high profile games are because of the comeback friendly rule book of college football. College football is more entertaining than the NFL for many reasons but bowl season, the comeback friendly rules, Saturdays over Sundays, and the extra week of football are just some vital examples. The pregame activities, tailgating, the more logical football rules such as overtime standards, and ESPNs outstanding coverage give college an extra edge on professional football. College game day travels to the biggest game of the week and perform a 3 hour special on campus live in front of an audience with different guest stars, storylines, and gimmicks each week. Hands down NFL Countdown can’t compete with College Gameday (Fisher). Also, college goal line which updates all the score nationwide is very popular around the country. In college football the sport is played the right way. If a player hits the ground he is down, in the NFL he can get back up and run if not touched. This leads to many missed calls and slows down play. The overtime rules are better in college because you can’t tie. Yes, in the NFL there is the terrible possibility of a tie. Also, each time gets a chance and the better team is awarded the victory. In the NFL it’s more about the coin flip than the play. Parties on campus, pep rallies, and fun halftime events like the famous Dr. Pepper challenge are great add ons to college football. The college life sparks parties and pep rallies. Some schools even cancel classes the day before a big game. Students camp out to get tickets and great scenes like that are noticed all around the country. The weekend gives students a break. What more would students want to do than party and route on their schools football team. Lastly, tailgating is bigger in college football. Fans have all of the next day to relax so they enjoy their tailgating. Only 30 percent of the tailgaters actually make it inside the stadium. People do not tailgate a week before for an NFL game. College students start tailgating that Sunday or Monday after that last game they just went too (Fisher). College fans take tailgating very serious and make a 3 hour game into a week event in which they can relax, watch football, eat good food, and reunite with friends and family. The activities around college football separate it from the old boring games on Sunday. College football has passion, traditions, entertainment, and an incredible environment that the NFL lacks. These reasons were choose from a list of 200 reasons college football is better. Upsets, unpredictability, cheer leaders, the Heisman, coaching dynasties, the spread offense, uniforms, new programs, and other reason were not even discussed because college football has such a huge variety of great attributes. This makes college football more appealing to the fans and viewers. Understand that all these reasons build on the case of why college football beats the NFL. Yes, the players are less talented when they are younger. It should have been made clear that the game is about more than this though. The college players do not only care about money. Love of the game, the tradition, the entertainment, and the rules are a few of the prominent reasons college football is better. However, Most of these reasons cannot be based of scientific facts or stats. The reasons listed are based on what is the best game to watch and support. A personal opinion and judgment is what makes this argument worth demonstrating. It cannot be proven through facts and data but there are numerous reasons that help show the point that is trying to be made. All the evidence is there and all that is left to do is choose what reasons makes college football better than the NFL. There are many to choose from.

Macroeconomics – institutions by Acemoglu

In Progress. Abstract: In this paper, we discuss how and why institutions— broadly, the economic and political organization of societies— affect economic incentives and outcomes. After briefly surveying a number of theories of institutional differences across countries, we focus on two questions: why societies may choose institutions that are not good for economic development, and why institutions, even bad Institutions, persist.In light of the Ideas we develop, we discuss three case studies of Institutions alluding and persistence: the united States, India and Guatemala. L. Introduction Institutions, defined broadly as the political and economic organization of societies, differ markedly across countries and over time. For example, until recently, a large number of societies were organized along socialist lines, with widespread collective ownership of the means of production and centrally planned resource allocation, while much of the rest of the world was capitalist, with predominantly private ownership and resources allocated Vela markets.For much of the 1 8th and 9th centuries, a number of societies, Including the Caribbean, much of Central and Latin America, and parts of Asia, were organized with political and economic power concentrated in the hands of a small elite, and relied on productive relationships based on slavery and forced labor. In contrast, economic and political power was more equally distributed in parts of Europe, North America and Australia, and the majority of laborers were free.Similarly, as emphasized by North and Thomas (1973), North and Whiniest (1989) and Till (1 990), there were Important differences In the organization of the European societies during the 17th century. While England and the Netherlands had developed limited governments, France and Spain had absolutist regimes.Economic theory and basic common sense suggest that differences in the organization of society should have an effect on economic outcomes: when institutions ensure that a potential investor has property rights over the proceeds from his Investments, he Is more likely to invest than when he expects the fruits of his efforts to be taken by other parties In the economy or by the government. An obvious hypothesis is then to link variations in economic performance across countries to their institutions. We refer to this point of view as the institutions hypothesis.According to one version of this hypothesis, what is crucial is whether the organization of the society ensures that a broad cross-section of the society have effective property rights, so that those with productive emphasis on â€Å"a broad cross-section of the society' is meant to capture the notion that it is not sufficient for the rights of a small elite, landowners, dictators or Politburo members, to be enforced. Citizens need to have effective property rights, and be involved in politics, at least some degree, to ensure the continuation of these repertory rights in the future.Do we see marked differences in the economic performance of societies with different institutions? The examples mentioned in the first paragraph suggest so: while West Germany prospered with a capitalist system, East Germany did much less well under socialism. While Western Europe, North America and Australia grew rapidly, the elite-dominated societies of the Caribbean, Central America and India stagnated throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. As emphasized by North and Thomas (1973), while England and the Netherlands prospered during the 17th century, Spain and France failed to do so.Also telling are cases where large changes in institutions are correlated with radically changed growth paths. Examples of this are Argentina in the sass's with the rise of populism and Person, South Korea during the early sass's with the transition from the Rhea to the Park regime, and Indonesia in 1965 with the transition between Saguaro and Short. In addition to these selective examp les, much empirical evidence suggests that institutional differences are a major source of the differences in economic performance across countries.For example, cross-country work by a number of economists and political scientists found a first-order effect of institutions on growth or the level of income (e. G. , Knack and Keeper, 1995, or Hall and Jones, 1999). More recently, in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) we found that as much as % of the income gap between the top and bottom of the world income distribution may be due to differences in their institutions. 4 But these findings pose as many questions as they answer: 1 . If some institutions generate more income and growth, why do a large number of societies adopt institutions that are bad for economic development? . Why do institutions that are detrimental to economic performance persist rather than being overhauled at the first opportunity? Despite the importance of these questions for understanding differences in econ omic performance across countries, there is relatively little research on this topic. In this paper, we develop a number of conjectures related to these questions. Then, in light of these ideas, we discuss three case studies of institution building and persistence: the U. S. , India and Guatemala.In the process, we also provide a brief survey of a number of theories of comparative institutions. II. Institutions As emphasized in the introduction, our focus is on the set of institutions— the organization of society— that determine economic incentives. Why such institutions and social arrangements will affect economic outcomes is clear: economic actors will only undertake investments when they expect to be rewarded for their spending and effort. In a society where property rights are not well enforced, investment and output will be low.We therefore take the degree of enforcement of property rights to be a central feature of the institutions and the broad organization of a society. To of private property, which we take to correspond to a set of institutions ensuring that a broad cross-section of society have effective property rights. 2. Extractive institutions, which place political power in the hands of a small elite. With extractive institutions, the majority of the population does not have effective property rights, since the political power of the elite means that they can hold up the citizens after they undertake their investments.We expect institutions of private property to encourage investment and development, while extractive institutions are less likely to dead to high investment and successful economic outcomes. Notice that there is more to institutions than the legal code or the formal definition of property rights at a point in time; in particular, political institutions matter. This is for the simple reason that in a society where there are few constraints on political elites, these agents can change the legal code or manipulate the ex isting property rights to their advantage. Therefore, effective constraints on political elites are an essential ingredient of institutions of private property. In reality, there are many intermediate cases teens the extremes of institutions of private property and extractive institutions, and a complex interaction between the exact form of the political and economic institutions and whether they provide effective property rights protection to citizens. There is also a deep and difficult question of how the state commits to providing property rights to the citizens (see Whiniest, 1997, for a discussion of this problem).To limit the discussion, we do not focus on these issues. So what determines whether a society ends up with institutions of private property or extractive institutions? Let us distinguish four broad theories, which we call: 1. The efficient institutions view. 2. The incidental institutions view. 3. The rent-seeking view. 4. The inappropriate institutions view. We now discuss what we mean by these different views, and examine some selective examples of institutional theories falling within each category. . The Efficient Institutions View According to this view, societies will choose the institutions that maximize their total surplus. How this surplus will be distributed among different groups or agents does not affect the choice of institutions. The underlying reasoning of this view comes from the Cease Theorem. Ronald Cease (1960) argued that when different economic parties could negotiate costless, they will be able to bargain to internalize potential externalities.The farmer, who suffers from the pollution created by the nearby factory, can pay the factory owner to reduce pollution. The same reasoning can be applied to political situations. If the current laws or institutions benefit a certain group while creating a disproportionate cost for another, these two groups can negotiate to change the institutions. By doing so they will increase the size of the total surplus (â€Å"the pie† that they have to divide between themselves), and they can hen bargain over the distribution of this additional surplus.Many different versions of the efficient institutions view have been proposed. Demesne (1967) argued that private property emerged from common property when land become sufficiently scarce and valuable that it was efficient to privative it. Other famous examples are Case's (1936) earlier work and the more formal analysis by Grossman and Hart (1986), is more concerned with the governance of firms or markets than the political organization of societies, but his reasoning was guided by the same principle.North ND Thomas applied this reasoning to the nature of feudal institutions arguing that they were an efficient contract between serfs and Lords. While Williamson and North and Thomas do not specify how different parties will reach agreement to achieve efficient institutions, Becker (1960) and Whitman (1989) have invest igated how democracies can reach such agreements via competition among pressure groups and political parties.In their view, an inefficient institution cannot be stable because a political entrepreneur has an incentive to propose a better institution and with the extra surplus generated will be able to make him more attractive to voters. We believe that, despite correctly emphasizing certain forces that are likely to be at work, the efficient institutions view does not provide the right framework for an analysis of the differences in institutions across countries. Both historical and econometric evidence suggests that the economic costs to societies of extractive institutions have been substantial.For example, our estimates in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) suggest that changing Insignia's or Sierra Lens's institutions to those of Chile loud lead, in the long run, to a more than 7-fold increase in these countries' income. It is difficult to argue that these institutions are t herefore efficient for Nigeria, Sierra Leone or many other less-developed countries in Africa or Latin America. In the rest of the paper, we therefore focus on theories of institutions where societies may end up with institutions that are not optimal for aggregate growth or income. 2.The Incidental Institutions View The efficient institutions view is explicitly based on economic reasoning: the costs and benefits of different institutions are weighed against each other to determine which institutions should prevail. Efficiency arises because individuals calculate according to the social costs and benefits. Institutions are therefore choices. A different approach, popular among many political scientists and sociologists, is to downplay choices over institutions, but think of institutions as the byproduct of other social interactions. Here, we discuss three such theories.The first is the theory developed by Barrington Moore (1966) in his Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, th e second is Till's (1990) and Herb's (2001) theory of state formation, hill the third is Burner's (1976) theory of the emergence of capitalism in England. Barrington Moore constructed his famous theory in an attempt to explain the different paths of political development in Britain, Germany and Russia. In particular, he investigated why Britain had evolved into a democracy, while Germany succumbed to fascism and Russia had a communist revolution.Moore stressed the extent of centralization of agriculture and resulting labor relations in the countryside, the strength of the ‘bourgeoisie,' and the nature of class coalitions. In his theory, democracy emerged when there was a strong, politically assertive, immemorial middle class, and when agriculture had commercialese so that there were no feudal labor relations in the countryside. Fascism arose when the middle classes were weak and entered into a political coalition with landowners.Finally, a agriculture was not commercialese and rural labor was repressed through feudal relationships. In Moor's theory, therefore, class coalitions and the way agriculture is organized determine which political institutions will emerge. Although Moore is not explicitly concerned with economic development, it is a direct implication of his analysis that societies may end up with institutions that do not maximize income or growth, for example, when they take the communist revolution path.While this theory is highly suggestive and clearly captures some of the potentially significant comparative facts there are clear problems with it. For instance, though Moor's remark â€Å"no bourgeoisie, no democracy' is famous, it is not clear from his analysis whether this is Just an empirical correlation or a causal theory. More generally, Moore does not clarify the connection between the formation of class coalitions and political outcomes. It is also not clear whether this theory is empirically successful.There are many examples of societ ies with relatively strong capitalist classes in Latin America, such as Argentina and Chile, which did not make the transition to a consolidated democracy until recently. In fact, in these societies capitalist classes appear to have supported the coups against democracy, suggesting that the role of the poor segments of the society (the working class) in inducing demagnification could be more important than that of the bourgeoisie (see Archduchesses, Stephens and Stephens, 1992, Guacamole and Robinson, Bibb).In a very different vein, Till (1990), building on the Hibernia tradition, proposed a theory of the formation of modern states. He argued extensively that modern state institutions such as fiscal systems, bureaucracy and parliaments are closely related to the need to raise resources to fight wars and thus arose in places with incessant inter-state competition. Herbs (2001) has recently provided a substantive extension of this line of research by applying it to the evolution of st ate institutions in Africa.He argues that the poor functioning of many modern African states is due to the fact that they caked the features–high population density and inter-state warfare— necessary for the emergence of the modern state. Although interesting and sweeping, this theory does not seem to accord well with a number of major facts. In Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2001 a), we documented that among the former colonies, it was the less densely settled places that became richer.In fact, North America, Australia and New Zealand were very sparsely settled in 1 500, especially when compared to West Africa around the same time. Despite this, they developed effective states and institutions of private property. This suggests that the issues stressed by Till and Herbs are not the major determinants of institutions, at least, in the context of the development of institutions among the former European colonies, including Africa. Burner's (1976) theory of the rise of capitalism in Europe can also be thought as an example of the incidental institutions view.Although Brenner subscribes to the Marxist view of feudalism as an extractive institution (see next subsection), he interprets the rise of capitalism as the byproduct of the collapse of existing social institutions after the Black Death. Brenner argues that the decline of feudalism resulted from the successful class struggle by the relatively powerful British peasantry. Brenner, however, believes that the peasantry's aim was not to build capitalism; capitalism just emerged like an incidental phoenix from the ashes of feudalism.Because, economic growth required this set of (extractive) institutions to be replaced by capitalist institutions. Therefore, Burner's work also gives us an incidental- institutions theory for why some societies grow faster. None of these theories provide a framework that is at the same time consistent tit the first-order facts of comparative development and useful for generating predictions. Therefore, it is difficult to apply these theories to understand why some countries develop extractive institutions.Moreover, being trained as economists, we find it to be a shortcoming of this group of theories that institutions and political outcomes arise as byproducts, not as the direct consequences of actions taken by rational agents. The fact that the key outcomes are byproducts of other interactions, not choices, leads to the additional problem that these theories often do not generate tight empirical predictions (I. E. Comparative static). But an analysis of comparative development, above all else, requires comparative static results regarding when institutions of private property will emerge.In the remainder of the paper, we therefore focus on the rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views to build a simple framework for comparative development. 3. The Rent-seeking View According to this view, institutions are not always chosen by the whole so ciety (and not for the benefit of the whole society), but by the groups that control political power at the time (perhaps as a result of conflict with other groups demanding more rights). These groups will choose the institutions that maximize their own rents, and the institutions that result may not coincide with those that maximize total surplus.For example, institutions that enforce property rights by restricting state predation will not be in the interest of a ruler who wants to appropriate assets in the future. By establishing property rights, this ruler would be reducing his own future rents, so may well prefer extractive institutions to institutions of private property. Therefore, equilibrium institutions will not be those that maximize the size of the overall pie, but the slice of the pie taken by the powerful groups. Why doesn't a Cease theorem type reasoning apply?Although a large literature, especially in industrial organization, has emphasized how informational problems may limit the empirical applications of the Cease theorem, we believe that the main reason for the non-applicability of the Cease theorem in politics is commitment problems (see Guacamole, 2001, for a more detailed discussion of this issue). If a ruler has political power concentrated in his hands, he cannot commit not to expropriate assets or revenues in the future. Effective property rights require that he credibly relinquishes political power to some extent.But according to the Occasion bargain, he has to be compensated for what he could have received using this power. Herein lies the problem. When he relinquishes his power, then he has no guarantees that he will receive the promised payments in the future. Therefore, by their very nature, institutions that regulate political and social power create commitment problems, and prevent Occasion bargains that are necessary to reach efficient outcomes. As an application, consider the decision of a powerful rich elite to mount a coup in a populist redistributive regime, such as that of Salvador Allendale in Chile in 1973.By undertaking a coup, the rich will ensure that economically. Why wouldn't the elite enter into a Occasion bargain with Allendale who would wish to place future restrictions on taxes so as to remove the threat of the coup? The problem, as pointed out and analyzed in Guacamole and Robinson (2001 a), is that the democracy cannot promise not to increase taxes again once the threat of the coup disappears. By its very nature, taxes are set by the politically powerful agents, determined by the institutions at that time.Promises made at the past may be worthless when they are not backed by political power. The first systematic development of this point of view is the economics literature is North (1981), who argued in the chapter on â€Å"A Neoclassical Theory of the State† that agents who controlled the state should be modeled as self-interested. He then argued that the set of property rights wh ich they would choose for society would be those that maximized their payoff and because of transactions costs' these would not necessarily be the set which maximized social welfare.Though his analysis does not clarify what he meant by transactions costs, problems of commitment might be one mispronunciation for this. The notion that elites may opt for extractive institutions to increase their incomes is of course also present in much of the Marxist and dependency theory literature. For example, Dobb (1948), Brenner (1976) and Hilton (1981) saw feudalism, contrary to North and Thomas (1976)g's model, as a set of institutions designed to extract rents from the peasants at the expense of social welfare.Dependency theorists such as Wholesalers (1974-1982), Rodney (1972), Frank (1978) and Cards and Falsetto (1979) argued that the international trading system was designed to extract rents from developing countries to the benefit of developed Mounties. Perhaps, the earliest, and often igno red, contribution to this line of reasoning is in the book by Beard (1913). Anticipating many of the insights of rational choice political science literature, Beard argued that the U. S.Constitution was an institution designed to benefit those who wrote it (such as James Madison) at the expense of the rest of society. Another important example of inefficient institutions designed to extract rents from the society is the Spanish colonial system (Stein and Stein, 1970, Coauthors, 1978, Lockhart and Schwartz, 1983). Finally, the notion that leaver is an inefficient institution designed to extract rents from slaves is also widespread (for example, Williams, 1944, Geneses, 1963, Beckoned, 1972).More recent, and for our purposes more relevant, contributions in this tradition have sought to explain comparative development. For example, in the context of Africa, Bates (1981) formulated an influential and important theory based on rent-seeking by elites. Bates argued that when elites were no t invested in the productive sectors of the economy, mostly agriculture in the context of Africa, and had to rely on urban interests to remain in power, they were likely to distort prices, for example by using marketing boards to transfer resources from the rural areas to the cities.The implications of this for political stability and economic growth were disastrous. Anger and Soulful (1997, 2000) have used related ideas to analyze long-term development in the Americas. They argued that the different paths of development observed in North and Latin America in the last 300 years were due to institutional differences. In North America institutions promoted development, in Latin America they did not. Why did Latin America develop a set of institutions that impeded Caribbean, the factor endowments were suitable for growing crops such as sugarcane.Such crops had large technical scale economies and could be cultivated by slaves, factors that led to large concentrations of landownership an d repressive institutions designed to control labor. Therefore, despite their costs for economic development, extractive institutions were adopted by elites who benefited from the system. On the other hand, in North America, factor endowments were suitable for growing crops with limited scale economies such as wheat, and this led to an egalitarian distribution of land, income and political power.Their theory therefore emphasizes the impact of factor endowments and technology on inequality and institutions building, and ultimately economic development. In Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000, 2001 a), we developed a complementary theory, emphasizing how European colonialists set up institutions of private property in areas where they settled in large numbers, since these institutions were directly affecting their own investments and well-being. This led us to emphasize how European settlements ere often conducive to the development of institutions of private property in the colonies .In contrast, European colonists introduced or took over existing extractive institutions in other colonies. They were more likely to do so when they did not settle, for example due to an adverse disease environment, and when extractive institutions were more profitable, for example, as in Central America where the densely settled large population could be forced to work for low wages in plantations or mines. These extractive institutions did not benefit the society as a whole, but they were inefficacy for the Europeans, who held the political power and were the extractors.We believe that the rent-seeking view provides the best framework for thinking about why certain countries ended up with extractive institutions, and provides a number of useful comparative static, which will be discussed in Section Ill. 4. The Inappropriate Institutions View According to this view, institutions may be efficient when they are introduced, but they are also costly to change (see below on this). Ther efore, institutions that are efficient for a set of circumstances may no longer be efficient once the environment hinges. Nevertheless, it may be difficult or too costly to change these institutions at this point.The idea here goes back to Crosschecking (1963). In the context of financial institutions, Crosschecking argued that certain arrangements, such as bank finance, might be more appropriate for backward countries trying to catch up. This is widely thought to be a good explanation for why banks are more prevalent in Germany, even today when Germany is no longer a backward country. So perhaps, social arrangements that were introduced at some point as an optimal response to the resistances may continue to prevail, even after they cease to be the optimal response.In the context of financial institutions, this point is developed in Guacamole, Action and Kilobit (2001). Another economic example is the QWERTY typewriter keyboard. David (1986) argued that this was appropriate at the t ime because it slowed down the speed of typing, when the rudimentary nature of typewriters meant that rapid typing would make them Jam. However, despite the fact that the QWERTY arrangement was inefficient once the basic technology improved soon after, it has similar thesis.Perhaps, extractive institutions were appropriate for certain resistances, but they continue to apply even after they cease to be the efficient institutional arrangement. Related ideas have been suggested in the literature. For example, Wittingly (1957) argued that centralized despotism, which may not have been very costly in terms of economic outcomes in China before the 1 5th century and arose as the result of providing desirable public goods such as irrigation, persisted almost to the present, creating a substantial economic and social burden.Given how long institutions persist (see Section ‘V) the view that institutions of a different age ay continue to apply even when they become costly to economic suc cess is highly plausible. Nevertheless, in the context of comparative development, it appears more useful to combine the inappropriate institutions view with the rent-seeking view, explicitly allowing for political elites to introduce inefficient institutions. In fact, in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2001 a), we suggested a hypothesis combining the rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views, and provided evidence in favor of this hypothesis.We argued and empirically demonstrated that extractive institutions, tit power concentrated in the hand of a small elite, were much less costly during the age of agriculture than during the age of industry. When agriculture is the main source of income, and the political elite owns the land, this elite will have, to a first approximation, adequate incentives to increase the productivity of the land. In contrast, in the age of industry, many different agents, not previously part of the ruling elite, need to undertake investments and be involved in productive activities.Without effective property rights, these agents are unlikely to invest, so extractive institutions become much more costly once industrialization opportunities arrive on the scene. This explains why the sugar colonies of Barbados, Haiti and Jamaica were amongst the richest places in the world in 1700 but rapidly fell behind when industrial technologies became available. Overall, we therefore conclude that to understand the significant differences in how countries are organized, we need to move away from the pure efficiency view.Moreover, existing series of institutional differences based on the incidental institutions view cannot provide a satisfactory tarring point, and make less sharp empirical predictions, since institutions are simply byproducts of other social actions. Instead, we believe that conflict over the distribution of rents matters, and the rent seeking view provides the best starting place for an analysis of institutional differences across countries.In addition, there may be an important element of the inappropriate institutions view, so that institutions that were introduced at a certain point in time may become less appropriate and more â€Å"harmful† in the future, but may still remain in place. Ill. Institutional Origins The rent-seeking and inappropriate institutions views do not immediately generate a theory of comparative institutions. They simply point out that inefficient institutions may be chosen by political elites, and the institutions in place may become more costly for growth over time.As discussed above, by the institutions hypothesis, we mean that differences in the development experiences of countries can be explained by differences in their institutions. To make this hypothesis operational, we need to choose institutions of private property. In other words, we need to develop comparative static on institution building. This is not an easy task. In fact, some of the pioneering theories of institutions, such as North (1981), give us few clues about when we should expect extractive institutions to prevail.Here, we highlight a few potential determinants of what type of institutions politically powerful groups will choose: 1. Economic Interests: A first determinant of whether institutions of private property will emerge is whether they will lead to outcomes that are in interests of the politically powerful agents. For example, institutions that restrict state predation will not be in the interest of a ruler ho wants to appropriate assets in the future.Yet this strategy may be in the interest of a ruler who recognizes that only such guarantees will encourage citizens to undertake substantial investments or lend him money, or will protect his own rents. They will also be in the interest of the major groups that can undertake investment in production activities in the future. Anger and Solidify explanation for why extractive institutions emerged in the Caribbean but not in North America falls within this category. In the Caribbean, the factor endowments made extractive institutions more profitable for the elite.In particular, sugar production, which could exploit economies of scale and profitably employ slave labor, was conducive to a society where a small elite would control both political and economic power. Our argument in Guacamole, Johnson and Robinson (2000) for why European settlement in the colonies led to institutions of private property is also based on the same reasoning. When a large number of Europeans settled in an area, they preferred institutions enforcing property rights, since these property rights would enable them to undertake investments.Our argument in Guacamole Johnson and Robinson (2001 a) is also related. There, we suggested that high population density and relative prosperity (I. E. , GAP per capita) of the colonized territory encouraged European colonialists to set up extractive institutions. The reasoning is that high po pulation density implied a large labor force that Europeans could force to work for low wages, and both high population density and the relative prosperity of the population provided Europeans with a greater resource base for extraction or taxation. Economic interests† therefore suggest that we should expect extractive institutions to develop when the powerful agents have little to gain from enforcing property sights because they have few investment opportunities themselves and are not linked to other productive agents in the society, and when there are resources, such as crops or abundant labor, that can be effectively exploited by extractive 2.Political Losers: Another important factor is whether institutional development will destabilize the system, making it less likely that elites will remain in power after reforms. An institutional setup encouraging investment and adoption of new technologies may be blocked by elites when they fear that this process of growth and social change will

Free Essays on Where The Wild Roses Grow ~ NickCave

and symbolicall... Free Essays on Where The Wild Roses Grow ~ NickCave Free Essays on Where The Wild Roses Grow ~ NickCave â€Å"Where the Wild Roses Grow† by Nick Cave is a tragic tale of ill-fated love. Nick Cave uses a variety of literary elements such as foreshadowing, symbols and mood to strengthen and deepen the effect of his poem. The tale of Elisa Day’s first and her last love takes place over a period of three days. From the moment he walked in her door she was captured by his charm and trustworthy personality: â€Å"When he knocked on my door and entered the room/ My trembling subsided in his sure embrace/ He would be my first man.† The man appears to be drawn to her at first sight: â€Å"From the first day I saw her I knew she was the one/ As she stared into my eyes and smiled.† On the second day their feelings toward each other become more apparent. â€Å"On the second day I brought her a flower/She was more beautiful than any woman I’d seen.† The man notices Elisa’s exceptional beauty and seems to desire it, but it is still unclear what his intentions are. Elisa on the other hand sees the man with adoring eyes and wants to be with him and to be comforted by his tender embrace: â€Å"I nodded my head as I lay on the bed.† On the third and final day after E lisa accepts her love’s offer to take away all of her pain he takes her to where the wild roses grow. There on the banks where the wild roses grow the man murders Elisa merely muttering â€Å"All beauty must die.† Elisa is referred to as â€Å"the Wild Rose† throughout the poem, symbolizing that she is willful and not refined. The man often connects Elisa to a rose especially in beauty: â€Å"For her lips were the colour of the roses.† The final connection he makes is placing a rose between her teeth after killing her down by the river where the wild roses grow. At first the man is charming and seems very reliable and in love with Elisa: â€Å"Do you know where the wild roses grow/ So sweet and scarlet and free?† The use of the word scarlet deepens the meaning of his words and symbolicall...

Case study # An Invisible Superintendent Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

# An Invisible Superintendent - Case Study Example However, considering the busy schedule of the superintendent, Dr. Myer could have sought alternative options of communications. For instance provide written a submission of her proposal. The conduct of the superintendent may not be voluntary. Since acquiring his job, he has been provided with numerous tasks that may require more time that he has to attend to all his duties. For instance, he was appointed to the board of a local bank and local United Way (Lecture Notes, 2014, pp.6, Par 2). In this case, the professional conflict between the school and other working positions is created. As a board member, he is required to perform administrative duties in all these institutions. These acquaintances can be attributed to the behavior on being absent in his administrative post at the school. However, at one time the superintendent was attending to a family emergency, and Dr. Myers needed his presence at the school. His absence at work place is also caused by the conflict in his personal relationship and professional life. Dr. Myers was justified and appropriate. As a board member, she had the opportunity to inspire people of Placid Falls. She developed a project that would increase the significance of the school in the district. She was hopeful and accurate that the project would be successful. However, to her disappointment she could get the superintendent to approve of her proposal. Furthermore, she was dissatisfied that she was not provided with the opportunity to present the proposal to the board. For this reason, she was angered by the school administration to ignore the seriousness of the issue. However, she was in a position to push her proposal to the board through other channels. Additionally, she could seek legal guidance from her husband on the best way to handle the situation. The role of a head school administrator requires a person that may spend a lot of time at their work station. For this reason,

The aim of this work is to summarise experience of managing a Essay

The aim of this work is to summarise experience of managing a simulated business with the Sim Venture software. This assignment - Essay Example Decisions made are followed to realize the desired outcome in the organization. This paper gives a summary of experiences gained when managing a simulated business with SimVenture Software. A discussion of business decisions and their significance in a real business is explained. 2. Description  of  the  key  business  decisions  faced. There were different decisions that were encountered. Strategic decisions are related to the overall goal of the organization and give direction to management. They are unique and made once. They are not repeated often because they remain as the preserve of the top management. The decision for an organization to adapt a business customer centric is an example of a strategic decision. High level employees collect and analyze necessary information before settling on a strategic decision. Strategic decisions are made to be implemented over a long time (Harvard Business School Press, 2001, p. 2). Tactical decisions are made by middle level man agers. Using the knowledge they possess and addition information from various sources they base their decision on their analysis. Tactical decisions are used in the management system because their process is repeated many times in the business. Policies concerning pricing and discounts may be part of tactical decision making. Tactical decisions are created to manage performance so that the overall goal is maintained. Operational decisions are made by the employees at the lowest level. They are made very often, for instance when an employee is selling a product to a customer. Operational decisions are made daily and accumulations of the decisions reflect tactical decisions together with strategic decision in the end. Operational decisions are guided by developed rules that led to the appropriate choice. Micro decisions are similar to operational decisions. Operational decisions apply to all the customers while micro decisions are designed for specific customers. Micro decisions take into consideration the existing information and predict on possibilities when making decision on a particular customer. Financial decisions are inevitable when in business. Financial decisions are made by the owners and the top most managers of the organization. At the initial stages of starting the business, the owners find different avenues where they can source funds. They then identify the most important sources and pursue them. When the business grows financial decisions are concerned with the management of cash flow. Moreover, business financial decision could be made to purchase new assets. The business owners may require the expertise in accounting and financial matters to pursue certain ideas or get insight. Another important decision is about the structure of the business. Business structure decisions makes a business individually owned, a partnership or a limited liability company. The different structures get different treatment when it comes to liability, sharing of the profit and losses, and taxation. The legal structure is important because it dictates who is responsible for making decisions (William, 2001). The business relies on human resources to get the work done to realize the goals. Human resource decisions